Cross Cutting Loyalities

Cross Cutting Loyalities. Crosscutting loyalties and a low incidence of feuding are properties of the Mundurucu of Brazil (Murphy I956) Murphy (1957 1029) analyzes their matrilocalpatrilineal pattern in terms of conflicting loyalties “the male Mundurucu population was linked by crosscutting ties of residential affinity and affiliation by descent”.

cross cutting affiliations adalah suatu kondisi dimana suatu terjadinya saling silang antara anggota masyarakat dalam kelompok sosial jadi dengan adanya perbedaan suku bangsa tidak berarti otomatis agama atau status sosialnya juga berbeda crosscutting loyalities adalah ketika seseorang mengikuti banyak organisasi/kelompok yang hubungannya.

Apa yang dimaksud crosscutting affiliations dan cross

Apa yang dimaksud crosscutting affiliations dan cross cutting loyalities crosscutting affiliations crosscutting affiliations memiliki sebuah artian yang dimana masyarakat kemudian terjadinya sebuah integrasi dikarenakan berbagai macam anggota dari sebuah kelompok masyarakat yang dimana kemudian sekaligus juga menjadi sebuah bentuk dari anggota dari berbagai macam kesatuan sosial.

Apakah yang dimaksud dengan crosscutting affiliations dan

AbstractAnger and EnthusiasmMultiple IdentitiesPartisanIdeological SortingData and Methods—American National Election StudiesData and Methods—Experimental DataResultsIn recent decades a particular type of partisan sorting has been occurring in the American electorate American partisan identities have grown increasingly linked with a number of other specific social identities These include religious (Layman 1997 2001 Green et al 2007) racial (Mangum 2013 Krupnikov and Piston 2014) and other political group identities such as the Tea Party (Campbell and Putnam 2011) This convergence or “sorting” goes beyond the gradual alignment of party and issue positions described most recently and thoroughly by Levendusky (2009 2010) When religious racial and other political movement identities grow increasingly linked to one party or the other this phenomenon can be called “social sorting” Related to partisan and other social identities it can have powerful emotional effects on individual partisans This paper examines how an increasingly socially homogeneous set of parties has generated an increasingly emotionally reactive—and therefore “ Partisan emotions tend to arise in response to political actors or messages that have the power to affect the ultimate status of a person’s party—whether the party wins or loses (Mackie Devos and Smith 2000) Threats to a party’s status tend to drive anger while reassurances drive enthusiasm1 For the purposes of this study angry and enthusiastic responses are the central point of interest because they have in prior research worked remarkably well at getting people out of their seats and participating in politics (eg Groenendyk and Banks 2014) As I demonstrate below in recent years people are increasingly likely to be angered by the opposing party’s candidate and to feel proud of their own party’s candidate and the difference between their feelings toward the two parties’ candidates has been increasing as well Where is all of this anger and enthusiasm coming from? To begin these emotions can be understood as a very natural identitybased reaction to the messages tha Not only do strong identities push partisans to react with heightened anger and enthusiasm aligned identities have the potential to generate even more volatile emotional reactions When two social identities are aligned it means that most of the members of one group are (or are perceived to be) also members of the other group (Brewer and Pierce 2005) Roccas and Brewer (2002) show that those with highly aligned identities are generally more intolerant of outgroups (those who are not in their own social groups) and raise the possibility that these socially sorted individuals may be less psychologically equipped to cope with threat This is because a person with a highly sorted set of identities is more socially isolated and therefore less experienced in dealing with measured conflict (Mutz 2002) leading to higher levels of anger in the face of threat These theories conform with early research finding that voters who are members of groups that conflict with their party are less Recent work has shown that one potent source of anger is the degree of alignment between an individual’s partisan and ideological identities Mason (2015)examined the 1992–1996 ANES Panel study (a time when partisanideological sorting was in flux) and found that those individuals whose level of partisanideological sorting had increased during the course of the panel were far angrier after sorting than they had been before sorting Furthermore those same increasingly sorted individuals did not grow more extreme in their issue positions They were not therefore angrier simply because they cared more about issues They were angry as a result of sorting When a single person went through a process of aligning their partisan and ideological identities they came out the other end angrier than they entered but no more policy extreme The directional contribution of that finding is an important precedent for this paper—sorting preceded anger in a way that issue polarization did not In order to establish the context in which the experimental analysis rests I first present a quick overview of angry and enthusiastic responses over time in the American electorate This is done using the American National Election Studies (ANES) Cumulative Data File through 2012 In the ANES Time Series Cumulative Data File the ANES project staff have merged into a single file all crosssection cases and variables for select questions from the ANES Time Series studies conducted biennially since 1948 Questions that have been asked in three or more Time Series studies are eligible for inclusion with variables recoded as necessary for comparability across years Over the years the most common ANES study design has been a crosssection equalprobability sample of the American public conducted face to face These designs are typically “selfweighting” that is the respondents do not need to be weighted to compensate for unequal probabilities of selection in order to restore the In data collected in November 2011 using a national sample from Polimetrix6an experiment was conducted in order to assess the varying effects of social sorting partisan identity and issue polarization on emotional reactivity to political messages First simple mean levels of anger and enthusiasm are presented for each experimental condition comparing low versus high levels of social sorting partisan identity and issue polarization In figures 3 4 and 5 each variable is cut at its median and those who score below the median (“Low”) are compared to those who score above the median (“High”)1415Figure 3presents the mean levels of anger or enthusiasm by type of message comparing those who have moderate and/or conflicting issue positions to those who have strong and consistent issue positions Issue polarization affects emotions differently depending on the message Those high in issue polarization are most angry after hearing that their favored issue positions will not succeed and also angered to a slightly smaller extent by hearing that their party will lose Importantly they are angrier than their more issuemoderate counterparts Similarly when they hear that their issue positions will succeed the highly issue po Author Lilliana MasonCited by Publish Year 2016.